Niger Delta Conflict On The Nigerian Economy Politics Essay

Niger Delta Conflict On The Nigerian Economy Politics Essay The objective of this Chapter is to provide a background to the study. This includes the implication of the Niger-Delta (ND) conflict on the Nigerian economy, the genesis of amnesty policy, the objective of the study, research questions, methodology as well as scope and limitations to the study. Background to the Study The centrality of the Niger-Delta Region to Nigerias economy is indisputable. This is because it produces the oil that presently sustained the economy. Unfortunately, however, over the last decades, it has become a centre for violent protests with destructive consequences on the Nigerian economy and socio-political stability as well as the rippled effect across the international. For instance, government statistics have shown that in 2005, Crude oil production has fell from 2.7million barrels per day (mbpd) to 2.4mbpd thereby showing a shortfall of 0.3mbpd in crude oil production. On the revenue side, in the same year, the projected revenue of N1.63trillion was revised downward to N1.4trillion due to shortfall in crude oil production (2006 FGN Budget Speech). Similarly, in 2006 expected revenue into the Federation Account fell by N570 billion due to loss of 600,000bpd (2007 FGN Budget Speech). In 2007, the projected revenue was short to the tune of N796billion due to disruption of cr ude oil production in the Niger-Delta region (2008 FGN Budget Speech). In 2008, crude oil production was projected at around 2.45mbpd but only 2.00mbpd was achieved also due to disruption of production (2009 FGN Budget Speech). In 2009, crude oil revenue projection fell by 17% due to disruption in production as well as fall in crude oil price at the international market (2010 FGN Budget Speech). Another pointer to the gloomy nature of the Nigerian economy was the use of the Excess Revenue Account (ERA) from year 2006 every month, except in some very few cases, to augment the monthly disbursement of revenue from the Federation Account. For instance, over N733.81bn and N795.41bn were withdrawn from the ERA to augment budget expenditure for the three tiers of government in 2007 and 2008 respectively (CBN, Annual Report, 2008). The conflict has been blamed on the nations imbalance political structure; long years of environmental pollution due to oil exploration and extraction activities; infrastructural neglect and demand for larger share of revenue from crude oil sales (Omeje, 2006). But, recognizably, over the decades, government have used carrots and sticks approaches both to coerce and appease the people of the Niger-Delta Region. While the past measures have made some significant impacts in some respects, there are recurring echoes of consternation from the region. Among the past efforts were the creation of the Niger-Delta Development Board (NDDB), Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC), Niger-Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Derivation Principle (from 1% to 13%) and the establishment of Niger-Delta Ministry in 2008. Fisher-Thompson (2010) writing for the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State observed that the key to Nigerias economic progress is stability in the Niger River Delta, where the bulk of the countrys oil and natural gas is produced and where a smouldering militancy and sabotage of production facilities threaten progress for the regions 30million residents. Thus recognising the enormous potentials of Niger-Delta for the nation at large, the late President YarAdua, for example, said it would be delusional to think that electricity could be generated and transmitted on a sustainable basis in Nigeria if resolution of the Niger-Delta question remains literally or figuratively in the pipelines (Adeniyi, 2010), Similarly, the Technical Committee on the Niger-Delta (TCND, 2008), noted that President YarAdua recognised the strategic importance of the Region as the main source of Nigerias foreign revenue by making the Niger-Delta problem one of the 7-Point prog ramme of the administration. Thus, amnesty was granted to the militants in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria in June 2009, by late President YarAdua to assuage the nagging militancy in the region. There is, however, hardly any study at the moment that have made any constructive attempt to analyse the impact of the amnesty programme on the nations crude oil production as well as revenue flow into the Federation Account except for the dotted newspapers clips and other scattered official documents. Also, as it is with most novel approaches, the amnesty programme has been greeted with lots of scepticism as its likely impact of restoring peace and improved crude oil production and flow of revenue into the Federation Account might not be achieved. Accordingly, as a topical issue in Nigeria, which viability is questioned, it provides the motivation and interest to peruse government documents in order to give a better picture of the situation. Moreso, as a staff of Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), an agency of government that is constitutionally charged with the function of monitoring revenue accruals into and disbursement from the Federation Account, added more impetus to the subject of the research. Hence, this research is an attempt to put together official records as well as other sources in order to give a preliminary impact of the amnesty programme on crude oil production and revenue into Federation Account. OBJECTIVES In this research, the quest is not to discuss the amnesty programme or to dwell on the oil debacle in Nigeria, but to relate the amnesty programme to some of the expected benefits, which are specifically interconnected with improved crude oil production and flow of oil revenue into the Federation Account. In other words, the primary aim of this research is to find out whether the acceptance of amnesty by the militants in the Niger-Delta has any significant impact on crude oil production output and flow of oil revenue into the Federation Account. RESEARCH QUESTIONS This research would particularly attempt to answer the following research questions: To what extent has the granting of amnesty as a mechanism to manage resource conflict in the Niger-Delta region contributes to improved crude oil production? What is the effect of the amnesty on the flow of revenue into the Federation Account (Common Pool) from the oil sector? How does the amnesty programme impact on the Nigerias fiscal federalism? METHODOLOGY Jankowicz, (1995) has defined methodology as a systematic and orderly approach taken towards the collection of data so that information can be obtained from those data. This research adopts a qualitative approach, which has been described as a subjective account that one generates by getting inside situations and involving oneself in the everyday flow of life (Gill and Johnson, 2005:89). In Strauss and Corbin (1990:17) Qualitative Research is any kind of research that produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other means of quantification. The objective of using this approach is to be able to draw conclusion from the research question as to whether there was an increase in crude oil production as well as revenue flow into Federation Account as a result of the amnesty granted to the militants. This research uses secondary data collection approach. The data of crude oil production statistics and revenue inflow were sourced from Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, Federation Account Allocation Committee Files (FAAC) and National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). Despite, their shortcomings, the credibility of data from these institutions is not in doubt because no any other agency can provide such data within and outside Nigeria without referring to them as source. The data collected were evaluated using a simple data inspection technique which is a comparison between actual experience and counterfactual scenarios. This type of technique is comprised of three methods namely; with versus without, before versus after and target versus actual. This method is basically used to analyse the effects of programmes and performance (Douangboupha, 2004). This research adopted the before and after technique because it provide the basis in which comparison is done between crude oil production and revenue flow into Federation Account before and after the amnesty has been granted. The before versus after method is used to compare performance of a new policy with what was before the reform. This approach usually shows what happened and not why it happened. However, this approached is criticised on the fact that it ignores other external factors that can influence it outcome (Douangboupha, 2004). SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH The scope of this research is to examine crude oil and revenue data from January 2009 May 2010. Similarly, the research would not be interested in looking at the amnesty programme in general. Chapter Two LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction The main objective of this Chapter is to critically review literature from variety of perspectives on the causation and management of conflict with links to natural resources induced conflicts. Review of Literature Conflict is a tragedy and impediment to development (Collier and Hoeffler, 2000). Conflict is an interruption of development as no development project will ever take place in a state of conflict. Of course, this has been acknowledged by late President YarAdua that conflict is threatening peace, security, order and good governance and jeopardising the economy of the nation (YarAdua, 2009). Conflict has been defined by Burton (1990) as those behaviours of individuals or groups that go beyond disagreement that cause serious injury to physical, security and future development of individuals, groups and nations. As in Omeje (2006:17), Fisher (2000) defines conflict as uneasy relationship between two or more parties who have, or think they have incompatible goals. These incompatible goals are largely associated with deep-human needs characterised by interest, desires and aspirations. Without doubt, conflicts do not just happened as there are always such factors that lead to conflicts. The causation of conflicts have been theorised in various ways such as in biological disposition, psychology, religion, identity, ethnicity, nationalism, ideology, history and ancients hatred, bad neighbours, manipulative leaders, security dilemma, cultural dysfunction, nature of the State and incompatible world views (Mac Ginty, 2009). Despite these incisive but opposing perspectives, the rentier state theory and resource curse thesis were, indeed, two central frameworks that have provided in-depth analysis on the impact of natural resources to the political, economic and social settings of resource blessed nations. In the rentier theory, it is argued that it is any state reliant not on the surplus production of the domestic population or economy but on externally generated revenues or rents usually derived from the extractive industries such as oil (Omeje, 2006). The rentier theory believed that reliance on economic rents promotes inefficiency and impede socioeconomic development (Mahler, 2010). Proponents of this theory argued that, on the political strand, rents promote authoritarian rule because it encourages network of patronage, pervasive clientelism and selfish policies of distribution. The net effects of these are lack of democratisation and gross societal depoliticisation. Another contention is that the presence of cornucopia of revenues, particularly, coming from oil sector discourages taxation thereby making the political class less accountable to the people and less interested in the promotion of citizen participation in governance. Though rentier theory focus more on the stability of authoritarian rule, rather than violence, there are evidence that rents are used to finance security apparatus by the political class to repress opposition, which in essence amount to violence (Mahler, 2010). As an example, the Nigerian political history has been dominated by both military and political elites that have less sympathy for the promotion of democracy. The evidences of coup and counter-coups that shaped the nations political past are obvious while election rigging and disenfranchisement have so far characterises the democratic dispensation. On the whole, there are submissions that the bulk of the youths in the Niger-Delta were armed by politicians. Okolo (2009) aptly states that the politicians in their unbridled lust for power, arm these youths as private armies against their real and perceived enemies making all sorts of promises to secure their loyalty but immediately their aim is achieved they abandon them forgetti ng that they still hold the arms. The youths unemployed and angry must a matter of necessity employ the guns to some use? The world is today not faced by the Thomas Malthus (1798) assertion that scarcity leads to conflict but by the argument that resource abundance has a link to conflict. The Malthusian argument is based on the idea that natural resources are in fixed supply and as demand of the resources increased, the price also increases, while the resources depleted thus leading to conflict (Mahler, 2010). On the contrary, staple theorist argued that resource abundance leads to the improvement of peoples well-being because natural resources provide the much needed revenues for the provision of goods and services. Unfortunately, resource abundance is now seen as a curse that is associated with all sorts of problems ranging from slow economic growth, corruption and conflicts (Oyefusi, 2007). Economic theorists have contended that over-reliance on single source of revenue makes a nation vulnerable and prone to conflict (Herbst, 2001) because of large rents and exposure to variety of shocks (booms and bursts). For instance, Nigeria has faced several crude oil related shocks and conflicts from 1966 to date often resulting in loss of lives and dislocation of the nations economy. More compounding to Nigeria is that the oil resource is largely located in one geographical region. And, as aptly observed by Ndikumana and Emizet (2005), dependence alone does not motivate conflict but the concentration of the natural resources in one geographical region and their unequal distribution significantly contribute to conflict. Moreso, the topography of the Niger-Delta area seems conducive for militancy activiti es. Olowu (2009) described the Niger-Delta as an intricate network of lagoons, creeks, estuaries, and mangroves swamps, stretching across 1 million square meters. Howsoever, sound is the above proposition; a many countries like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Norway and host of others were able to demystify the resource-dependency theory by making considerable progress in transforming their respective nations. So, for Collier (2004) the solution is to diversify the sources, which reduces the risk of conflict. Also, the resource-dependency theory has been criticised on the fact that dependency alone on a single natural resource does not lead to armed conflict. As Mac Ginty, (2005:67) argued scarcity and violence are a product of social relations rather than inherent in the relative abundance of a particular good, object or resources. It is further argued that conflict arises from a complex mix of events in the presence of resources the mode of resource exploitation, perception on benefits and identity affiliations. As it has been observed if the stake are high, identity affiliations can mutate, with groups and individuals attaching increasing weight to the purity of their ethnic group and rediscovering (or inventing) their unique history (Mac Ginty, 2005). Added to this, Ross (2003:19) pointed out that any given conflict is brought about by a complex set of events; often poverty, ethnic or religious grievances, and unstable governments The fundamental problem noted in this context is that of the management of the resources. It has been pointed out that it is the nature of the extraction coerce or voluntary, licences distribution patronage or open competition, profit destination public or private pockets that significantly explained whether there is resource curse or not (Mac Ginty, 2005). Similarly, poor management of resources create situations where individuals or group that harbour some grievances will use that as opportunity to argue against plundering of the resources located in their backyard without benefits. This is, somehow, the case in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria where there is demand for fair share of revenue from the resources extracted from the area. The Resource curse thesis presumed misery in the midst of plenty. It is argued that abundance rather than serve as a means for development leads to struggle for the control of the natural resource which often result in armed conflict (Obi, 2008). Indeed, the armed conflict in the Niger-Delta is over the control of crude oil between the State and the local communities caused by poverty and low human development index (Omeje, 2006). On another hand, studies by Sachs and Warner (1997:3) demonstrated that resource-poor economies often vastly outperform resource-rich economies. The point is that nations with abundant natural resources tend to grow slower than economies with fewer resources. In support of the above, Ross (2003) reported that the GDP per capita of countries which mining export was between 6% to 15%, fell by an average rate of 0.7% while those with mining export of about 15% 50%, their GDP per capita fell to 1.1% a year. Similarly, it showed that the GDP per capita of count ries with over 50% of mining exports, dropped by 2.3% per year. Furthermore, Sachs and Warner, (1997) cited historical instances to buttressed this point that in the 17th century despite the overflow of gold and silver from the colonies of Spain, the Netherlands surpassed Spain. This is similar with Japan and Switzerland that cast shadow over resource abundant Russia in the 19th Century while Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong became the star performers of the 20th century despite having fewer resources. Sachs and Warner (1997:4) conceptually situate this economic puzzle within the context of easy riches leads to sloth and the Dutch disease proposition. The Dutch Disease thesis argued that the availability of large rents from a single natural resources often result in the neglect of other productive sectors of the economy (Ross, 1999). In other words, the Dutch disease demonstrates that booms in natural resource sectors usually affect the distribution of employment throughout the economy, as wealth effects pull resources in and out of non-traded sector s (Sachs and Warner, 1997:5). And this is evident in Nigeria where oil revenue continue to grow from 3% in the 1960s to now over 80% of federally collectable revenue while total agricultural export dropped from 60% in the1960s to less than 8% by 2005 (Omeje, 2006). However, contrary to the persuasive argument put forward by Sachs and Warner, (1997), that one surprising features of modern economic growth is that economies abundant in natural resources have tended to grow slower than economies without substantial natural resources, Stijns, (2000:3) argued that it was a misleading result which was short of recommending that developing countries should leave their natural resources undiscovered and/or unexploited. Stijns (2000:4) further contended that natural resources are not significant determinants of economic growth because of the coexistence of positive and negative channels of effect from natural resources to other economic factors. It has been variously argued that natural resources have the potentials of promoting violent conflict through grievance and greed. The grievance theory sees conflict emerging from the long concern over deprivation and injustice (Collier, 2004 and Collier and Sambanis, 2007). Therefore, Communities whose land is being exploited sees themselves as collateral damage and where benefits is not forthcoming, they resort to protest and violence that leads to economic sabotage such as disruptions of production. For instance, the Niger-Delta region has been famous for economic sabotage as a way of protest against environmental degradation and neglect (Omeje, 2006). However, economists like Collier and Hoeffler have argued that greed is more inherent in motivating conflict than grievance or conflicts are far more likely to be caused by economic opportunities than by grievance (Mac Ginty, 2005:79, Tar, 2008). This is because the abundance of natural resource often serves as an incentive in which elites and warlords loot. The greed theory also presupposes that natural resources provide attraction to covetous individuals or groups to rebel in order to take control over revenues from the natural resources. However, critics argued that the expression made economists on the causation of conflict is economic rationalism taken to extreme (Mac Ginty, 2005:71) and pointed out that conflicts cannot be measured only by econometric methodologies or mistook correlation for causation while also subjecting the causes of conflicts only within the national environment without placing external factors such as trade, religion, regional dynamics in arms flow, etc. G enerally, it is argued that the real agents of conflicts are politics and identity while economic factors only appear to change the nature and aim of the conflict at some stage (Mac Ginty, 2005). As further contended, economic factors can enable conflict, but it cannot combust or sparks the conflict without other factors. Closely related to the greed thesis is the frustration and aggression theory, which deals with relative deprivation as a perceived disparity between value expectation and value capabilities (Afinotan and Ojakorotu, 2009). The theory argues that if there is a gap between expectation and attainment caused by lack of capability, tension crept in as a result of unfulfilled aspiration, which leads to frustration that eventually produces violent aggression. It was noted by Afinotan and Ojakorotu, (2009) that men are most inclined to aggression when subjected to unjustified frustration. Indeed, the potentials of violence are define by the gravity of deprivation. As Afinotan and Ojakorotu, (2009) pointed out men who are frustrated have an innate disposition to do violence to its source in proportion to the intensity of their frustration. The Niger-Delta conflict is a perfect demonstration of this theory because people are frustrated by lack of development, etc. However, this theory has been criticised on the ground that aggressive response to frustration may be dependent upon the individuals level of tolerance Afinotan and Ojakorotu, (2009). The separatist theory suggests that natural resources portend the risk of a secessionist conflict because it gives those in the region where the resources is located the incentive to demand for separate State (0yefusi, 2007). Indeed, it is more obvious from the emerging picture and dynamics of the conflict in the Niger-Delta region that the element of greed rather than grievance is more pronounced as various groups and factions emerged making conflicting demands and more often violently clash with each other over the control of areas where pipelines installation passes through (Omeje, 2006, 2008). In another perspective, Bannon and Collier (2003:2) contended that conflict is more likely to occur in a state of low per capita income, low economic growth rate and the structure of the economy. For instance, since the 1970s oil exports generated huge revenues in Nigeria, and yet, per capita income has remain very low in 1975 the per capita from oil was $127 which raised to $351 in 1980 and plummeted to $81 in 1989 but gradually grew to $337 in 2007 and to $391 in 2007 (CBN, Annual Statistical Bulletin, 2008). Though growing population in Nigeria has played a pivotal role in this low per capita, it is hard to conclude that low per capita from oil revenue is not one of the factors that leads to conflict in Nigeria (Mahler, 2010). But Mahler (2010:15) persuasively argued that even though falling oil revenues in the 1980s and the 1990s have contributed to low per capita, it was not only the shrinking abundance of oil but also its interplay with weak resource management performance in the country that caused further socioeconomic problems. These are issues associated with managing environmental problems and resource allocation principles. Therefore, as a solution, Collier (2004:7) suggested that doubling the level of income halve the risk of conflict. A percentage point on growth rate reduces the risk by around a percentage point. Despite the preponderance of econometric and case study analyses, there are still profound opposition that resources alone cannot be the direct link to conflict. This is because other extraneous factors and historical assumptions which are necessary for creating a link between resources and violent conflicts have not been properly contextualized through in-depth empirical studies to create linkages between resources and conflicts (Mahler, 2010). To this end, Mahler, (2010) has provided in a tabular form a matrix of resource and non-resource contextual conditions that will guide debate on the link between conflict and resources: Using the matrix in Table IV, and as has been postulated, the conflict in the Niger-Delta is premise on four contextual factors with oil serving as the main attraction (Omeje, 2006) as well as other external factors. Some commentators have situated the conflict in the Niger-Delta within the hypothesis of historical context arguing that the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 was unconscious of the heterogeneous nature of the nation as it failed to address the concern of the minority groups. Thus, the dominance of majority groups over the minority groups whose environment eventually produces the nations revenue, give rise to agitation for the restructuring of Nigeria (Omeje, 2006). The second ground situates the conflict in the Niger-Delta on the legal framework relating to landownership and extraction policies. Proponents of this thesis argued that the existing legal framework has given more control to the Multinational Oil Companies operating in the country thereby making them less lia ble to the environmental problems associated with exploration and extraction. In other words, the current legal mechanism within Nigeria lacks the impetus of enforcement. In the case of landownership, it is argued that the Land Use Act of 1978, for instance, has given State Government the ownership of land thus depriving individuals and groups from the right to demand for appropriate compensation, a situation which late President YarAdua attempted to reverse (Adeniyi, 2010). The third view positioned the Niger-Delta conflict on the pedestal of dependency in which the incorporation of Nigeria into global economic and political scene that is yet to be understood has disadvantaged Nigeria thereby leading to conflict. The fourth school of thought with Marxist approach sees the conflict in the Niger-Delta as the contradictions of class or groups interest intrinsic to the political economy of Nigeria as well as the character of the state (Omeje, 2006). Indisputably, the above issues are cause largely by institutional arrangement. As noted by Bardhan (2005) institutions either economic or political constitute or form the nucleus in which equitable distribution of resources or powers among divergent groups are made. And where the institution is inefficient, it becomes less credible thus attracting disquiet among the people. Bardhan (2005:27) put it that the history of underdevelopment is littered with cases of formidable institutional impediments. The failure of the institutions gives birth to collective action problem such as dispute over the sharing of the cost of bringing change known as free-rider problem and disputes over the sharing of benefits. All these problems, often, lead to breakdown of coordination among divergent and competing groups. Douglass North in Acemoglu and Robinson (2008:2) define institution as the rules of the game in a society or, more formally, are the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction. Both economic and political institutions are influence by collective choices. The political institution, for instance, allocates de jure and de facto powers even though the latter sometime uses the instrument of force to meet it objectives. Acemoglu and Robinson (2008:6-7) noted that de facto political power originates from both the ability of the group in question to solve its collective action problem and from the economic resources available to the group which determines their capacity to use force against other groups. They further noted that when a particular group is rich relative to others, this will increase it de facto political power and enable it to push for economic and political institutions favourable to its interests, reproducing the initial disparity. Certainly, the Niger-Delta co nflict is a prime example of this assertion because the militants were capitalising on the location of the crude oil in their geography as a weapon to move for drastic change in the way political power and resource distribution are made. The history of Nigeria has depicted vivid evidences of political and economic asymmetry, which means unequal power and resource distribution and relation between communities within the States and between the State and the Federal Government. It is palpable that despite the creation of more States in the last decades, the cries of marginalisation still pervade the nations political terrain. For instance, State and Federal relationship has been situated on the north/south divide created by the amalgamation of 1914 which created a presume fear that the north with numerical population would continue to dominate the south. Oputa (2000:113), for example, observed that political asymmetry in this case persists because of the fear of domination by the north in the context of party electoral competition for control of political power and, therefore, of the enormous fiscal resources and patronage deriving from it at the federal level. Another issue political asymmetry lies in the balance of po wer where the States have remained dependent on the Federal Government. But it should be noted that Nigerias federalism was unique because the centre created the units unlike in other federations where the units create the centre. Contributing to the conflict debates, the neo-liberalists through the conception that free-market made free men believe that individual freedoms, open markets and rational choice guides human beings away from encouraging conflicts but instead sees development as a ladder out of conflict. This argument was re-enforced by the submission that free trade prevents conflicts and was demonstrated by the post-colonial studies of Krause and Suzuki, which concluded that the probability of conflict under open trade is insignificant (Mac Ginty, 2009). However, this postulation was criticised on the ground that free trade encourages market-induced inequality thereby creating enmity and tension among individuals and communities. Indeed, the Niger-Delta region is the symbol of Nigerias international trade where Multi-national Companies (MNCs) engage in Oil and Gas business, surprisingly, it is the same region that has been inundated by violence. Often, there were clear evidences to suggest the invo lvement of the MNCs in the brewing of the conflicts (Omeje, 2006, 2008). Development is another issue that is said to be behind conflict. This is so because the process of development sometime provide s

Corporate Control of the Media Defines Our Culture :: Argumentative Persuasive Topics

Corporate Control of the Media Defines Our Culture Viacom is on the warpath. They got your MTV, and Blockbuster, and even Paramount pictures. Forrest Gump is on the payroll. Any rock band or rap artist who wants to be anything is too. They own your music and your movies and a lot of the television you watch, and pretty soon they'll probably own all the books you read. They don't just supply the movies or music, either. First they tell you what you're going to like- -they lifted Forrest Gump all the way to an Oscar--and then they give it to you. And, if they're marketing is as good as it usually is, you're probably going to like it. They rule your tastes. They rule your culture. Viacom is everywhere. Viacom sucks. Viacom, with billions of dollars in their infantry, is conquering culture. They're not the only corporate general, though, leading the charge. Time/Warner has a formidable platoon, buying up magazines and chain stores and TV stations. Steven Spielberg, David Geffen, and Jeffrey Katzenberg, all with so much money they can't even spend it, just formed a multi-billion dollar media conglomerate called DreamWorks SKG. They want movies and music and TV and computers and anything else that entertains us. They want it all, and IBM and Microsoft and MCA records, among others rounding out the all-star corporate squad, are looking to get in on the deal. The war for cultural dominance is on, with billions and even trillions of dollars on the line. Everyone stand aside. The big guys are here to fight, and fight hard. Culture is a multi-billion dollar industry. Movies, computers, books, CD's, theme parks--they're what Americans spend their money on. Everyone has seen Jurassic Park. Everyone has heard Michael Jackson. Entertainment, and the culture it defines, is something we all share, something that unifies the American, and even world, experience. Little else can or does. Movies, music, TV especially have become the cultural staples of our time. A number one song can make you a millionaire, and some movies become so popular that literally everyone has seen them. Entertainment defines the American scene. It is our culture. It is, then, inevitably a part of everyone's life, if not only through your pocketbook. This, then, is what drives the battle to conquer culture--your money. American culture--what America reads, listens to, and watches--grows larger and larger every year, expanding like the Blob(a cultural icon) not only across the country but also across the world.

Divorce and Reproductive Health Essay

Divorce (or the dissolution of marriage) is the final termination of a marital union, canceling the legal duties and responsibilities of marriage and dissolving the bonds of matrimony between the parties (unlike annulment, which declares the marriage null and void). Divorce laws vary considerably around the world, but in most countries it requires the sanction of a court or other authority in a legal process. The legal process of divorce may also involve issues of alimony (spousal support), child custody, child support, distribution of property, and division of debt. Where monogamy is law, divorce allows each former partner to marry another; where polygyny is legal but polyandry is not, divorce allows the woman to marry another. Between 1971 and 2011, several countries legalized divorce, the last one being Malta in 2011. The majority Catholic Philippines is the last officially secular country that does not have civil divorce for the whole population; Muslims, however, are granted divorce rights as per their religion. Vatican City, a ecclesiastical sovereign city-state, also has no procedure for divorce. â€Å"Divorcing one’s parents† is a term sometimes used to refer to emancipation of minors. Divorce in the Philippines is planning to take over Filipino values and culture. It’s all over the news, the Philippine Congress is now pushing forward the Divorce Bill right after they have put forward the Reproductive Health Bill. This is exactly what I have been worrying about. Just a couple of weeks ago, when I attended our Baptist Convention Meeting here in the Visayas, this issue was brought up. And just as what I have stated, â€Å"RH Bill can also lead to the Divorce Bill† because they have the same proponents. I know lots of Evangelical Christians are pro-RH Bill. But what they don’t know is that the proponents of RH Bill are also the proponents of Divorce Bill. And now that they almost got what they want, they are now preparing for another wave of controversial bill which will open a highway for immorality and degradation of Philippine culture and religious standards and beliefs. MANILA, Philippines – The Philippines remains the only nation in the world that does not have a law legalizing divorce. Is the country ready for such a law? Gabriela Party Rep. Luz Ilagan believes that it is time that the country moves forward and help couples who can no longer live together. Ilagan and fellow lawmaker Emmi de Jesus have filed a House bill introducing divorce in the Philippines that is now with the House committee on revision of laws. She said they are now waiting for the committee to schedule hearings to ask the sponsors and resource persons to explain the pros and cons of the proposed legislation. House Speaker Sonny Belmonte on Wednesday said the divorce bill will be among the priority measures that will be tackled when Congress opens its 3rd regular session in late July. Belmonte said he is supporting the enactment of a divorce law in the country. Ilagan, in an interview with radio dzMM Thursday, said the country is ready for a divorce law. PH only country without divorce â€Å"We are ready and we are the only country left now. Two years ago, we still had Malta,† she said. â€Å"But when Malta had a referendum last year, na kahit iyung presidente nila was reluctant to grant divorce, noong makita niya iyung results ng kanilang referendum ay pumayag. Kaya ang Philippines na lang ang natitirang bansa na walang divorce,† she said. She said Italy, where the Vatican City is located, allows divorce. The Vatican, which is technically a sovereign city-state, does not allow divorce. Current Philippine laws only allow annulment of marriage — a long, expensive, and painful legal process for estranged couples who no longer want to live together as man and wife. Not Vegas-style divorce Ilagan said the conservatives in the Philippines should not compare the proposed legislation with lax laws on divorce in other countries such as the United States. â€Å"May kaibahan, sa Amerika kaya tinatawag natin na divorce Las Vegas-style, puwedeng mag-asawa ngayon, tapos kapag hindi nila type, kahit mababaw lang ang dahilan, puwede na mag-divorce,† she said. â€Å"Sa atin naman, Pinoy style, mayroong mga kondisyon. Hindi madali na makuha rin iyung divorce. May mga kundisyon tayong inilagay sa isinusulong nating panukalang batas,† she explained. 5 grounds for divorce Ilagan’s bill proposes 5 grounds for divorce. Couples who want to avail of divorce will need to fulfill at least one of the conditions set forth in the bill, if it becomes law. According to the measure, couples who may apply for divorce include those who have been separated in fact for 5 years or those already legally separated for 2 years. â€Å"Number 3, is when the couple have the situation na nandoon iyung condition for legal separation such as marital infidelity, abandonment, one of the spouses has been convicted for more than 6 years, and domestic violence,† she said. â€Å"Ito naman ang mga basis for legal separation. Kung nandiyan iyan, puwede nang mag-file din ng divorce.† Grounds for legal separation may also apply when these same grounds have already caused the irreparable breakdown of the marriage. In addition, psychological incapacity, causing one’s failure to comply with essential marital obligations, and irreconcilable differences causing the irreparable breakdown of the marriage, will also be recognized as grounds for divorce. Ilagan said under the proposed law, it will be the courts that will determine if couples are qualified to apply for divorce. â€Å"It has to be proven in court, kasi hindi naman just because you filed for a divorce, you automatically get it,† she said. â€Å"Siyempre ang korte ang magwe-weigh.† Divorce less expensive She said the proposed divorce process will not be as financially, emotionally, and legally taxing as annulment. â€Å"Mas hindi mahal pero hindi siya murang-mura naman na this will become very, very easy that people will avail of,† she said. â€Å"Kasi, mayroon pa ring effort, mayroon pa ring proseso na susndin to reconcile.† â€Å"There will still be some expenses to be incurred dahil magha-hire ka pa rin ng lawyer pero this will not be as difficult or expensive as annulment,† she added. Ilagan cited data from the Office of the Solicitor General that says in Metro Manila alone, around 800 cases are being filed in courts for legal separation and annulment every month. â€Å"Majority of these (annulment petitioners) are women, and 92% are Catholic. Kailangan talaga, harapin na natin ang problemang ito,† she said. Support from lawmakers Even as the head of the lower House is supporting the proposal, Ilagan said the Senate is also likely to throw its weight behind a divorce bill. She cited the cases of 4 senators who either have annulled marriages or are undergoing the process. They are Senators Francis Escudero, Pia Cayetano, Loren Legarda, and Aquilino â€Å"Koko† Pimentel III. Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago, during the renewal of her wedding vows last year, alsoexpressed support for divorce to be legalized in the Philippines. â€Å"I think divorce should be available to people who become homicidal at the sight of each other. That’s so much better than making each other miserable for the rest of their lives and impacting the lives of their children as well. I’ve always made known my views since I was RTC (Regional Trial Court) judge,† she said. â€Å"I am in favor of a divorce bill provided that grounds for divorce are very strict so that we will not encourage young people to rush int o marriage and then rush out by divorce,† Santiago said. â€Å"I think the Senate is more open,† Ilagan said. â€Å"They (senators) have revealed situations na they would be sympathetic to people who would like to have divorce.† â€Å"I’m sure marami din naman sa lower House na nakakaintindi. Itong bill na ito, inisip para tugunan ang pangangailangan ng atin mga kababayan,† she added. Just before the intense debate on the Reproductive Health bill, Filipinos are once more at odds with each other in considering another controversial piece of legislation: the Divorce bill. The debate on legalizing divorce took a kick-start when news of Maltese referendum favoring divorce reached the Philippines a few days ago. This has prompted progressive groups to make a bolder call for the country to follow in Malta’s steps and legalize divorce in a predominantly Catholic nation. The debate on divorce is nothing new, see here AttyatWork’s round-up of talking points on the issue from last year. Filipino Thinkers has a great digest of how the debate was settled and how the referendum unfolded in Malta. More importantly, it provides a side by side comparison of the issue between the Philippines and Malta: Aside from the happy ending, which left the Philippines the only country without divorce1, the story of Malta’s divorce referendum shares similarities with our own reproductive health (RH) debates: both countries are last bastions of Catholicism: Malta in Europe, the Philippines in Asia; both countries are predominantly Catholic: 95% in Malta, 80% in the Philippines; and both battles are primarily between progressive Catholics and conservative bishops. And in both cases, the conservative bishops use fear mongering to keep their flock in line. For a quick refresher on the differences between divorce, annulment and legal separation, Lyle R. Santos has a quick guide in layman’s terms. With Malta’s approval of divorce, the Philippines is now the lone country in the world that prohibits it. For Blue Dela Kanluran, the debate on divorce should not be framed on this fact alone: As i had stated earlier my stand is against divorce however, I will not begrudge a sovereign nation of their right to decide whats best for their country and themselves as Malta has displayed here. (See, that is an example of the separation of Church and State). Which leads me to wonder, what effects will the stigma of the only country which outlaws divorce have on the Philippines? Personally, I think this will make pro-divorce legislation in the future more difficult not only because of the meddling of the Church but with the stigma earlier stated as well (Which is not how legislation should be argued). Cocoy views the near-approval of the Reproductive Health and now the Divorce bill as a ‘reboot‘ of the Philippines, moving from a predominantly religious state in a secular o ne: If the Reproductive Health bill becomes law, and it is followed by a divorce bill? That would be one continuity reboot for the Philippines. It signals that the nation is slowly becoming secular and less under the thrall of the Vatican. As a Catholic, for me, it presents an opportunity for the Church to focus on the spiritual. I want sermons and direction that make me a better person. I don’t need the Church to tell me what is wrong with government. Filipinos everywhere already know what’s wrong with our nation. It is that time in history that we fix it. I need my church to help guide that poor maid who is always beaten up by her husband. I need a Church that guides street children away from the streets, and into education. I need this church to be relevant. Dreamwalker takes delight in the fact that this proposed laws, no matter how dividing and controversial, sparks debate among society, thus encouraging everyone to take part in the national discourse: I continue to be amazed by how Filipinos seem to be more aware of what is happening in the country and how we seek to be more informed about our laws â€⠀œ both proposed and existing. In my opinion, this can only lead to more good. Never mind that there will always b Maju brings forward a valid point in cautioning that our lawmakers should take up the divorce law with a keener eye: We should also get onto considerations on how good or bad are existing divorce laws. In many countries, notably those under the Sharia, the rights of women and men in divorce are not the same. Lastly, here’s a good discussion by a lawyer, Connie Veneracion, about annulment, legal separation under current Philippine laws and how divorce could plug the holes in the current Family Code: Later on, however, it became clear that despite the leeway allowed by the concept of psychological incapacity, there was a huge gaping hole in the law. Annulment is a very expensive legal procedure beyond the financial capacity of majority of the Filipinos. The laundrywoman living in the slums who is physically abused by the drunken jobless husband could not afford it. In addition to the expense, the process was a long and tedious one. Eventually, the divorce advocates started making noise again. As expected, the Catholic church is getting more imaginative in coming up with arguments against divorce. It is sad that most Filipinos cannot view marriage independently from its religious context. It is even more sad that most Filipinos do not consider themselves validly married unless married in church. Very sad indeed. So, will the passage of a divorce law patch the loopholes in the Family Code? It depends on what the law will allow as valid grounds for divorce and what the required procedure will be. It has happened before that a law is passed as some sort of pacifier. Congress can pass a â€Å"divorce† law which such narrow grounds and complex process that it will effectively negate the very purpose of a divorce. You know, just so it can be said that a divorce law has been passed. I doubt if that will satisfy the progressives and the divorce advocates. I’m not in favor that Divorce will be legalized in the Philippines. I believe its illegal and against the law of God. Philippines is a Christian culture country and we are the largest Christian Culture of all Asia. I don’t like Divorce at all and it has many disadvantages, of course Divorce ends your marriage that invest nothing at end, Divorce cost money and hurts children and also it changes personal relationships. Many people just don’t know the real importance of marriage even before planning of the wedding. Many of us are very religious and follow strict rules. We Filipinos believe that marriage is sacred in the eyes of God. Divorce is not the solution to the problems of many couple having their difficulties, they should put in their mind that they should save the relationship. They both promise in front of God that they will be as one in dealing life through ups and downs. We should see the other side of the situation and not be selfish. Children is the number one reason to keep the family together and bravely face all the problems. We should stand as the last standing country that did not legalized divorce and fight our dignity as a Filipino and as a person. Love of the family is the Filipino cultural identity. Family is very important and we should not give the evil an opportunity to destroy our gift of life which is our family. I Hope that many people realized the true essence of having a Family. I Will end up this with my deep and brief thought that In time of test, Family is the best. Below is a free essay on â€Å"Anti Divorce† from Anti Essays, your source for free research papers, essays, and term paper examples. 1 Divorce: a threat against the Filipino family Introduction A number of House Bills seeking to introduce divorce in the Philippines has sparked a nationwide debate. Moral, social, economic, and psychological issues pose valid considerations in resolving the debate. Various concern groups passionately argue and defend their respective viewpoints. The proponents of divorce led by groups advocating women’s rights argued that the reliefs provided by the Family Code are no longer adequate in the modern and present time. Further, these reliefs are prohibitive in nature due to the high cost of the legal procedure and its strict guidelines. They further contended that in reality, many couples especially those in the marginalized sector are stuck in unhappy and irreparable marriages because the relief that is applicable for their situation is not provided by any law in our country. While rich Filipinos can afford to have their respective marriages annulled, those who are poor are trapped in an abusive marriage for years. However, this proposition has been met with strong opposition. Being devout Christians, many Filipinos believed that â€Å"what God has put together, let no man put asunder.† They opined that divorce could lead to the breakdown of families. Divorce, they say would be detrimental in the Filipino culture which is primarily centered on a strong foundation in the family. Moreover, they contended that the said bill is unconstitutional because it is a threat against the family which the constitution pledged to protect as an inviolable institution. This paper seeks to address whether or not there is a need to legalize divorce in the Philippines as necessary relief for those marriages that has broken apart and its effects. Divorce defined Divorce, also called the dissolution of marriage is the final termination of a marital union. It cancels the legal duties and responsibilities of marriage and dissolves the bonds of matrimony between the parties. In effect,†¦

Martin Luther King Jr. Is A Famous Figure In African American

Martin Luther King Jr. is a famous figure in African American and American history. He is one of the most celebrated African Americans who lead the Black Civil Rights Movement to fight for the equality and freedom for African Americans. The speech I Have a Dream is King’s most famous speech, which helped African Americans fight for their rights of equality. The I Have a Dream speech purpose was to seek equality among blacks and whites, while feminism discusses equality among men and women. The rhetorician perspective analyses King’s message in the I Have a Dream speech, how King’s message was presented to the audience and how the audience reacted to the message of the speech. The two perspectives are the many standpoints in which one†¦show more content†¦With the hopes that people look at each other as who they are as a person, and not by the color of their skin. Martin Luther King Jr’s speech I Have a Dream correlates with a feminist perspectiv e because of the lack of equality that women also face. The idea of equality is that everyone has the same opportunities, however women and African Americans had none. Feminism and King’s speech where to provide this equality to them, even though equality should be a human right. The equality that King argues, is the equality among black Americans and white Americans while the equality that feminisms argues is the equality among men and women. At the end of the day both groups are searching for equal rights. A true definition of feminism was stated by Actress and strong feminist figure Emma Watson at her speech she gave in front of the United Nations, where she stated â€Å"The belief that men and women should have equal rights and opportunities. It is the theory of the political, economic and social equality of the sexes† (Watson). King’s speech I Have a Dream falls into the category and idea of feminism, whether intentionally or not. When he fought for the eq ual rights of African American he then too fought for the rights of African American women who faced inequality for being of a colored race and aShow MoreRelatedThe Heroic Life of Martin Luther King600 Words   |  3 PagesHeroic Life of Martin Luther King Jr. Based on the information in Britannica School Encyclopedia Martin Luther King Jr. was a historical figure in African American history. He held many things to end segregation. Martin Luther King was a hero in the civil rights movement. Martin Luther King Jr. born January 15, 1929 in Atlanta, Georgia, was a Civil Rights activist during the 1950’s until his death on April 4, 1968. He held many non-violent protests against segregation. 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Both Martin Luther’s grandfather and father were pastors of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta. Martin Luther carried on the tradition and served as pastor from 1960-1968 (Nobel Prize, 1). He was a big part of the civil rights movement for his raceRead MoreRhetorical Analysis Of Letter From Birmingham Jail1178 Words   |  5 PagesAt a time where African Americans felt oppressed by whites, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. stood up for what he felt was right and spoke the truth about controversial issues such as inequality and injustice. During the 1960s when he wrote his â€Å"Letter from Birmingham Jail†, segregation was a major controversy. There was a divide between African Americans and white Americans with racism and prejudice being very prevalent throughout this era. Public places, like restaurants and ba throoms, were beingRead MoreMartin Luther King J. 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